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Shabakada SolaPortal waxay idin soo bandhigeysaa warbixnta guud ee MICHAEL KEATING uu u gudbiyay QARAMADA MIDOOBAY oo ku saabsan xaalada guud ee Somaliya iyo isbedeladii dhacay tan iyo intii loo doortay in uu noqdo ergeyga qaaska ah ee Somaliya u qaabilsan qaramada midoobay, Mr KEATING oo bilaabay shaqadan JANAAYO 2016 ayaa wuxuu si faah-faahsan ugu qeexay fadhigii qaramada mdoobay ee arimaha Somaliya 13 SPETEMBER 2018, SolaPortal waxay idin soo bandhigeysaa iyadoo SOMALI aan ku tarjunay iyo kan INGIIRSKA oo ah warbixintii uu gudbiyay.
Thank you, Madam President.
My tour of duty comes to an end next week. On the day that I arrived in Mogadishu in January 2016, I was taken straight to the President’s office to discuss a threat by federal member states’ to suspend cooperation with the central government. When I left Mogadishu two days ago, the country faced a similar situation. The structural problems that shape Somali politics and security have not changed. But this should not obscure some remarkable achievements in the last three years. There was a peaceful transition of presidential power, with a result that was accepted as legitimate. A new Upper House representing the federal states came into being. The percentage of women MPs went up from 14 to 24%, higher than both the African and global average. A famine was averted in 2017 thanks to national mobilization, better preparedness and the generosity and speed of donors in providing funding. This is a largely untold story that is a credit both to Somalis and to the UN.
Mahadsanid Marwo Madaxweyne
Shaqadii aan ku maqnaa waxay dhamaaneysaa asbuuca soo socda. Maalintaan imid Muqdisho waxay ahayd 1dii Janaayo 2016, isla waqtigaa waxaa si toos ah la iigu galbiyay xafiiska Madaxweynaha si aanu uga wada hadalno halista ka imaan karta dowlad goboleedyada Federaalka oo yiri waxaan joojineynaa wada shaqeynta dowlada dhexe.
Laba maalin ka hor markii aan ka soo tegay Muqdisho, wadanka wuxuu ku jiray isla xaaladaa oo markale soo wajahday.
Dhibaatooyinka qaabdhismeedka siyaasadda Soomaaliya iyo nabadgelyada waxba iskama beddelin. Laakiin tani waa in aysan qarin guulaha la taaban karo ee la gaaray saddexdii sano la soo dhaafay.
Waxaa jiray isbeddel nabadgelyo ah oo ku yimid qaabka awoodda madaxweynanimada loo kala wareejiyay, iyadoo natiijo ahaan loo aqbalay si sharci ah.
Aqal sare cusub oo wakiil ka ah dawladaha federaalka ayaa yimid. Boqolkiiba haweenkii xildhibaannada ahaa waxay kor u kaceen 14 ilaa 24%, oo ka sarreeya celcelis ahaan Afrikaanka iyo caalamka.
Macluul dhici lahayd ayaa laga hortagay sannadkii 2017 iyada ay ka timid abaabul qaran, diyaargarow wanaagsan, deeqsinimada iyo xawaaraha deeq bixiyeyaasha iyo bixinta maalgelinta. Tani oo ah waxyaabaha inta badan aan la maqlin, laakiin karaamo ua ah Soomaalida iyo Qaramada Midoobay.
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The federal map is being filled in. One year ago, HirShabellestate was created. There have been successes in conflict prevention and resolution. I just crossed lines and went shopping in Galkacyo, a town that was until recently very insecure and bitterly divided.
Other conflicts such as between Puntland and Somaliland have been prevented through intense diplomatic activity by the UN, IGAD and others.
A framework for addressing chronic insecurity is in place: the National Security Architecture and the Comprehensive Approach to Security. The plan for transition of lead security responsibility from AMISOM to Somali forces is being implemented. Somali forces just took over Mogadishu’s iconic stadium and adjacent areas.
There is a government with a compelling reform agenda, anchored in the strong partnership between President Mohamed Abdulahi Farmaajo and Prime Minister Hassan Khaire.Its centrepiece is to make the country more creditworthy and accountable as a step to regain full sovereignty, reduce dependency, and attract both public and private investment.
IMF benchmarks are being met, domestic revenues are increasing, public financial management is improving, business confidence is growing, and the prospect of arrears clearance and debt relief is closer.
Legislative and institutional frameworks are being developed for the 2020 elections. Real progress is being made to review the constitution. Federal Member states have been more engaged on a range of issues to define Somalia’s federal model and the 2020 electoral model through the work Federal Negotiation Technical Committee.
A National Reconciliation Framework is being developed with a view to all players in Somali society playing a part in addressing grievances and resolving conflicts.
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Khariidadda federaalka ayaa la buuxiyey. Hal sanno ka hor, waxaa la abuuray gobolka HirShabelle.
Waxaa jiray guulo laga gaaray ka hortagga iyo xalinta khilaafaadka. Anigu waxaan isaga gudbay oo ka dukaameystay khadka kala gooya magaalada Gaalkacyo, oo ahayd meel ilaa iyo waqti sidaa u fogeyn ay adkayd in loo kala gudbo.
Iskahorimaadka kale ee ka dhexeeya Puntland iyo Somaliland waxaa looga hortagay qaab diblomaasiyadeed oo ay ka wada shaqeeyeen UN, IGAD iyo kuwo kale.
Nidaam la doonayo in lagu xaliyo amni-darrada ba'an ee jirta: Dhismaha Nabadgalyada Qaranka iyo Habraaca Dhammaan Nabadgelyada.
Qorshaha ku-meel-gaadhka ah ee mas'uuliyadda ammaanka hogaaminta ee AMISOM ayaa loo hirgelin doonaa ciidamada Soomaaliya. Ciidamada Soomaaliya waxay la wareegeen maamulka garoonnka ee Muqdishu iyo meelaha ku dhow.
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Waa xukuumad ku socota qorshe dib-u-habeeyn ah oo xoog leh, oo ku xiran wadashaqeyn xooggan oo u dhexeeya Madaxweynaha Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo Ra'iisul Wasaare Xasan Khayre.
Ahmiyadooda ugu weyn waa in dalka laga dhigo mid xisaabtama oo lala xisaabtami kara, sidii loo qaadi lahaa tallaabo dib loogu soo celin karo awoodda buuxda, hoos u dhigidda ku-tiirsanaanta, iyo soo jiidashada maal-galinta dadweynaha iyo kuwa gaarka loo leeyahay.
Qiyaasaha IMF ayaa la daboolay, dakhliga gudaha waxaa sii kordhaya, maareynta dhaqaalaha dadwaynaha ayaa soo hagaagaysa, kalsoonida ganacsiga ayaa sii kordheysa, iyo rajada laga qabo in lacagaha deymaha laga soo kabsado iyo deyn bixinta oo aad u soo dhowaatay.
Qaab dhismeedka sharci-dejinta iyo qaab-dhismeedyada waxaa loo diyaariyey doorashooyinka 2020. Horumarin dhab ah ayaa loo sameeyay si dib loogu eego dastuurka.
Dowlad goboleedyada Xubinta ka ah Federaalka waxay ku hawlan yihiin arrimo badan oo kala duwan si loo qeexo habka federaalka Soomaaliya iyo habka doorashada 2020-ka iyada oo loo marayo guddiga farsamada gorgortanka ee Federaalka.
Qaabdhismeedka Dib-u-heshiisiinta Qaran ayaa la sameeyay iyada oo loo eegayo dhamaan dadka bulshada Soomaalida ah ee qayb ka qaata wax ka qabashada cabashooyinka iyo xalinta khilaafa.
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Madam President,
Somalis can draw strength from these positive changes. However, no-one should delude themselves about the challenges ahead, many of them structural.
Somalis continue to experience profound insecurity: high and costly levels of violence, ruthless attacks by Al Shabaab, limited access to justice and basic services, absence of local governance, chronic poverty, lack of income and jobs.
The country is vulnerable to climate shocks. 2.6 million people are internally displaced. It is one of the most disadvantageous places in the world for women, and the education, work and life opportunities for young people remain heartbreakingly limited.
Abuse and deprivation of human rights is common, including sexual violence, harmful traditional practices, limited freedom of expression and arbitrary arrests and detentions, including of children.
A National Human Rights Commission has yet to be established. Disputes over borders, resources and revenues, power sharing and grievances between clans and interest groups, have the potential to turn violent and result in further human misery and displacement.
The 4.5 power sharing convention that accommodates the interests of powerful clans at the expense of weaker ones and minorities has allowed progress but is a source of exploitable grievances. Rule of law is weak. A Justice and Corrections model is close to being agreed, but capacity remains very limited.
The government lacks the means to ensure that judgements are implemented; too often, people turn to Al Shabaab instead.
Corruption is systemic, used to gain and retain power. It penalizes the poor, the majority. Untraceable money changing hands continues to be a defining feature of Somali politics.
Tackling corruption also requires structural change - building and funding independent justice institutions, appointing well trained and competent staff in the civil service.
Somalis are proud of their clan lineage, but the country cannot afford to let clan identity be the only basis for determining appointments. Young people in particular deserve institutions that deliver services.
Marwo Madaxweyne,
Soomaalidu waxay awood ahaan u arki karaan isbeddelkan wanaagsan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, cidina waa in ay iska hor-istaagto caqabadaha hortaagan, qaar badan oo ka mid ah dhismayaasha
Soomaalidu waxaa hortaagan oo mar walba ay la kulmaan amni daro weyn: dhibaatooyin dagaal iyo rabshado halis ah, weeraro aan naxariis lahayn oo Al-Shabaab soo qaado, helitaanka caddaaladda iyo adeegyada aasaasiga ah, maqnaanshaha maamul goboleed, saboolnimada ba'an, dakhliga iyo shaqo la'aanta.
Waddanku wuxuu u nugul yahay dhibaatooyinka cimilada. 2.6 milyan oo qof ayaa gudaha ku barokacay. Waa meelaha ugu liidata adduunka ee haweenka, iyo fursadaha waxbarasho, shaqo iyo fursadaha nolosha dhalinyarada ayaa weli ah mid xaddidan.
Xad-gudubka iyo xayiraadda xuquuqda aadanaha waa mid caadi ah, oo ay ka mid tahay rabshadaha galmada, dhaqanka waxyeelada leh, xoriyada xaddidan ee xayiraadda iyo xiritaan aan sharciga aheyn, oo ay ku jiraan carruurta.
Komishanka Qaran ee Xuquuqda Aadanaha ayaan wali la dhisin. Khilaafaadka ka dhexeeya xuduudaha, kheyraadka iyo dakhliga, wadaagidda awoodda iyo cabashooyinka ka dhexeeya beelaha iyo kooxaha danta gaarka leh, waxay keeni karaan awood isu bedesha rabshad waxayna keenaysaa murugo bini'aadanimo oo dheeraad ah iyo barakac.
Qeybta 4.5 ee wadaagga awood qeybsiga ah ee ku saleysan danaha qabaa'ilka awoodda leh iyo xadgudubka kuwa daciifka ah iyo kuwa laga tirada badan yahay ayaa keenay isbedel horumar ah, laakiin waa ilaha cabsida keeni kara. Xeerka sharciga waa daciif.
Habka Caddaaladda iyo Xeer-ilaalinta wuxuu ku dhow yahay in la isku raaco, laakiin awoodda ayaa weli ah mid xadidan. Dowladdu ma haysato habab lagu hubiyo in xukunka la fuliyo; Inta badan, dadku waxay cadaalad ka raadiyaan Al Shabaab.
Musuqmaasuqu wuxuu noqday si nidaam caadi ah, oo loo adeegsado helitaanka iyo haynta awoodda. Waxay ciqaabtaa dadka saboolka ah, inta badan. Lacagaha aan la qeexi karin ayaa ah kuwa ay is weeydaarsadaan oo lagu arko siyaasadda Somalida.
Wax ka qabashada musuqmaasuqa waxay sidoo kale u baahan tahay isbeddel qaab-dhis ah - dhisida iyo maalgelinta hay'adaha caddaaladda ee madaxbannaan, magacaabida shaqaale tababaran oo karti leh oo ka shaqeeya adeegga bulshada.
Soomaalidu waa ay ku faani karaan isku duubnaanta qabiilka, laakiin waddanku ma awoodi karo inuu u oggolaado aqoonsiga beelaha inuu yahay saldhiga kaliya ee lagu go'aaminayo xilalka. Dhallinta khaasatan waxay u qalmaan jeritaanka hay'adaha bixiya adeegyada.
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Madam President,
The government is fully aware of these challenges. The issue is whether it will be able to tackle them, whether the international community will be able to provide coherent, adequate and timely support to help it do so. There are many risks. Four stand out.
First is the risk that Al Shabaab and other extremists will derail progress. Despite the success of AMISOM and Somali security forces in containing Al Shabaab, it remains resilient.It uses targeted assassinations, improvised explosive devices and extortion both of communities and businesses, including in Mogadishu and other towns.
Managing and mitigating this risk requires systematic degradation of Al Shabaab as well as increasing the legitimacy and capacity of government. One without the other will not work.
Accelerated implementation of the National Security Architecture and investment in the Comprehensive Approach to Security are essential. These can facilitate more coherent approaches by international partners. But success depends primarily upon implementation of agreements among Somali leaders on security roles and responsibilities throughout the country.
Second is the risk that political differences will bring progress, passage of key legislation, and implementation of the government’s reform and security agenda, to a grinding halt. The deficit of trust between central government and federal member states, and the recent decision by the latter to suspend cooperation, are very worrisome.
Failure to restore trust and cooperation sends a negative signal both to Somalis and to those international partners trying to make a case to sceptical capitals that Somalia is ready for more financial and security support.
Federal states should use the upcoming National Security Council convened by the President as an opportunity for constructive engagement.
Building upon progress to date, there is scope for more investment in the capacity of federal states, and for more outreach and communication from the centre.
Securing the buy in of key constituencies to the national agenda – not just federal states, but also parliamentarians, clan power brokers, the business community including in the diaspora, and traditional elders - gets tougher, and more expensive, as state and national elections approach.
But it is essential. Mitigating this risk requires a twin track approach. Fundamental issues, including how power should be shared, allocated and separated, the nature of the federal state, the respective powers of the federal and state governments, should be addressed through the constitutional review. Young people, women and minorities need to be consulted.
Strong and differing views about federalism are legitimate but if the political culture is to change these need to be resolved through dialogue and not through unilateral action.
More immediately, the greatest challenge is to reach political agreements that allow forward momentum without prejudicing the outcome of the constitutional review.
These include the Electoral Law, integration of security forces, and resource and revenue sharing agreements.
Here, trust is the key ingredient, difficult given that politicians suspect or assume that their opponents’ principal pre-occupation is to remove or replace them. The concept of patriotic opposition is weak, and the rules of the political game are blurred and blunt. Motions of no confidence, of impeachment and elections are abused and used for financial and political gain. They need to be revamped.
Marwo Madaxweyne,
Dawladdu waxay si buuxda uga warqabtaa caqabadahaas. Arrinta ayaa ah ma awoodi kartaa inay wax ka qabato, haddii ay beesha caalamku awood u leedahay in ay bixiso taageero isku xidhan, oo ku filan oo waqti go'an leh si ay u caawiso.
Waxaa jira khataro badan. Afar ayaa ugu muhiimsan.
Ugu horreyn waa khatarta ka iman karta Al-Shabaab iyo kooxaha xagjirka ah oo ka horimaan kara isbedelka. Inkasta oo ay guulo ka gaareen AMISOM iyo ciidamada ammaanka ee Soomaaliya ee la dagaalanka Al-Shabaab, haddana way adagtahay.
Waxay adeegsadeen dilalka la beegsanayo, qalabka qarxa ee la macmalay iyo baad lagu sameeyo bulshada iyo ganacsatada, oo ay ku jiraan Muqdisho iyo magaalooyin kale.
Maareynta iyo xoojinta khatartaas waxay u baahan tahay in si deg deg ah loo yareeyo qatarta Al-Shabaab iyo sidoo kale kordhinta sharciyeynta iyo kartida dowladda. Midna shaqeyn maayo kan kale la'aantii.
Hirgalinta Dhismaha Badbaadada Qaranka iyo maalgashiga Habraacsanaanta Habboon ee Amniga waa muhiim. Kuwani waxay fududey ka dhigi karaan habab badan oo isku xidhan oo ay la wadaagaan hay'adaha caalamiga ah.
Laakiin guushu waxay inta badan ku xiran tahay hirgelinta heshiisyo dhex mara hogaamiyayaasha Soomaalida oo ku saabsan kaalinta iyo mas'uuliyadaha amniga ee dalka oo dhan.
Midda labaad ayaa ah khatarta ay keeni karto khilaafka siyaasadeed ee horistaagi kara horumarka, marxalado sharci ah, iyo hirgelinta qorshaha dib-u-habeeynta iyo amniga ee xukuumadda, xakamaynta joojinta. Dakhliga kalsoonida ee ka dhexeeya dawladda dhexe iyo dawladaha xubinta ka ah federaalka, iyo go'aanka ugu dambeeyay ee ahaa joojinta wada shaqeynta iyo iskaashiga ee xubnaha dowlad goboleedyada iyo federlaaka, kaasoo wal-wal aad u weyn keenay.
Ka gaabinta dib u soo celinta kalsoonida iyo iskaashiga waxay u diri kartaa calaamado kala duwan Soomaalida iyo kuwa caalamiga ah ee isku dayaya in ay xaalka Somaliya ay ka iibiyaan wadamada shakiga ka qaba Soomaaliya in ay diyaar u tahay taageero dhaqaale iyo mid ammaan.
Dawlad goboleedyada Federaalku waa inay isticmaalaan shirweynaha Golaha Amniga Qaranka ee soo socda oo uu isugu yeeray Madaxweynuhu iyadoo ay tahay fursad ku is faham iyo wadahadal wax ku ool ah.
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Dhisida horumarka ilaa iyo taariikhdan, waxaa jira baaxad maalgashi dheeri ah oo ku aaddan awoodda dawlad-goboleedyada federaaliga ah, ka-wargalin dheeraad ah iyo isgaadhsiinta xarunta dhexe.
Xaqiijinta iibsashada qaybaha muhiimka ah ee ajandaha qaranka - aan ahayn oo kaliya dawladaha federaalka, xildhibaannada, kaabo qabiilada, ganacsatada oo ay ka mid yihiin qurba-joogta, iyo odayaasha dhaqanka - way adag yihiin, waa qaali ahaan, cilliga ay soo dhowaadaan doorashooyinka dawlad-goboleedka iyo kuwa qaranka .
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Laakiin waa muhiim.Hoos-u-dhigidda khatartaas waxay u baahan tahay habka labaad ee dabagalka.
Arimaha aasaasiga ah, oo ay ku jiraan sida awoodda loo wadaagayo, loo qoondeeyo oo loo kala soocayo, gobol walba oo federaalka ah qaabkiisa, awoodaha u dhexeeya dowladaha federaalka iyo dawlad goboleedyada, waa in lagu xaliyo dib-u-eegidda dastuurka.
Dhalinyarada, haweenka iyo dadka laga tirada badan yahay waxay u baahan yihiin in lala tashado.
Fikradaha xooggan ee kala duwan oo ku saabsan federaalnimada waa waxjira laakiin haddi la doonayo isbedelka dhaqanka siyaasadeed iyo baahida loo qabo waa in lagu xaliyaa wada hadal oo aan la sameyn go'aan gooni ah.
Dhibaatada ugu wayni waa caqabadda hortaagan in la gaaro heshiisyo siyaasadeed oo u oggolaanaya in la sii hormariyo iyada oo aan wax u dhimi karin natiijada dastuurka.
Kuwaas waxaa ka mid ah Xeerka Doorashooyinka, isdhexgalka ciidamada amniga, iyo heshiisyada kheyraadka iyo dakhliga.
Is aaminka waa qeybta ugu muhiimsan, dhibaatooyinka ugu waaweyn waxay ka yimaadaan in siyaasiyiinta ay iska shaki qabaan, oo mid walba oo ka welwelsan yahay in kan kale uu ka qaado ama bedelo, Fikradda mucaaradka wadaniga ah waa mid daciif ah, xeerarka siyaasaddu waa kuwa mugdi ku jira. Hawlaha kalsooni kala laabashada, xakamaynta iyo doorashooyinka ayaa lagu xadgudbay waxaana loo isticmaalaa faa'iido dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeed.
Waxay u baahan yihiin in dib loo cusboonaysiiyo.
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Politicians’ role should be to get things done rather than promote clan or personal interests.
This will take time, and will only happen if agreements and processes are seen as viewed as legitimate and as the result of constructive engagement.
Trust requires respect for due process and commitment to non-violence, a willingness to engage, to make compromises for the broader good. This was my parting message to Somali leaders.
The third risk, notwithstanding Council unity, is fragmentation in the international community.
There are a number of dimensions to this.The government’s security, political and economic reform agenda will be far more successful if partners work with each other on the basis of agreed national plans and capable management systems.
In some areas, this works, and the results are impressive - including humanitarian, electoral support and economic and financial reforms. Strong partnerships are brokered by the UN and the international financial institutions. Much higher levels of budget support are now in the pipeline including from the EU and Norway.
But in other areas, notably security, more bilateral approaches prevail, complicating the chances of success. Another area where fragmentation must be resisted is the basis upon which AMISOM will stay in Somalia.
AMISOM deserves predictable funding and a clear horizon for drawdown, based on reconfiguration around progress in degrading Al Shabaab, and on evident Somali capacity to assume security responsibilities.
Premature departure of AMISOM could be disastrous; but to be sustained, support for AMISOM as well as support for Somali security institutions requires success in improving the population’s security.
The Somalis have taken ownership of a conditions-based transition; AMISOM can help drive its success. UNSOS’srole will need to evolve as transition advances; the current UNSOS review will throw light on this.
A further test of international unity relates to Somalia’s vulnerability to partners’ rivalries, including in the Gulf. The atmosphere created by the resurgence of diplomatic activity in the Horn and the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea may, I hope, prove contagious.
The beneficial knock on effects could include containment or swifter resolution of conflicts among Somalis, including talks between Hargeisa and Mogadishu which need to resume, and finding a respectful basis upon which Somalia can benefit from historic links and support with all its partners.
A fourth risk is that the population will once again face the prospect of humanitarian catastrophe. Unfortunately, the risk of this happening is high, and millions are already living on the edge of dignified existence.
Future crises will result from the combination of climate related shocks, armed conflict provoked by Al Shabaab and unresolved grievances, competition over natural resources and systemic marginalization of certain groups.The objective should be to reduce human vulnerability by creating jobs, investing in urbanization, water management, access to clean power and adding value to the country’s enormous economic potential whether in livestock, fisheries, agriculture or IT.
Kaalinta siyaasiyiinta waa in ay noqotaa sidii ay wax u qaban lahaayeen ee aan noqon mid u shaqeysa hormarka qabiil ama dano shaqsiyeed.
Tani waxay qaadan doontaa wakhti, waxayna dhici doonta oo keliya haddii heshiisyada iyo geeddi-socodka loo arko in inay yihiin sharci ahaan iyo natiijada ka-qaybgalka wax-qabadka.
Aaminaada waxay u baahan tahay ixtiraamka hannaanka cadaalada iyo ka go'naanta aan rabshad lahayn, rabitaankoodu inuu ku lug yeesho, si uu u sameeyo wax-qabad wamaagsan. Tani waxay ahayd fariinteydii ugu dambeysay ee aan u diray hoggaamiyayaasha Soomaalida.
Khatarta saddexaad, iyada oo aan ka ahayn midnimada Golaha, ayaa ah kala qaybsanaanta beesha caalamka.
Waxaa jira tiro ka mid ah cabbirada.Amniga dawladda, ajandaha siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale ee dib-u-habeeynta ayaa lagu guulaysan doona haddii shuraakayaashu ay wada shaqeeyaan iyadoo ku saleysan qorshayaal qaran oo lagu heshiiyey iyo nidaamyo maareyn karti leh.
Meelaha qaarkood, shaqadan, iyo natiijooyinka waa kuwo cajiib ah - oo ay ka mid yihiin bani'aadamnimada, taageerada doorashada iyo dib-u-habeeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaliyadda.
Wadashaqeyn xooggan ayaa waxaa xakameynaya hay'adaha Qaramada Midoobay iyo hay'adaha maaliyadeed ee caalamiga ah.
Heerarka sare ee taageerada miisaaniyadda ayaa haddahawshooda ay si fiican uga socotaa EU iyo Norway.
Laakiin meelaha kale, gaar ahaan nabadgelyada, habab badan oo laba-geesood ah ayaa loo baahanyahay, taasoo sii adkaynaysa fursadaha guusha.
Meelaha kale ee kala qaybsanaanta waa in laga hortagaa si loo adkeeyo joogista AMISOM ee Soomaaliya.
AMISOM waxay u qalantaa maalgalin la saadaalin karo iyo muuqaal cad oo loogu talagalay dib-u-dhiska, iyada oo ku saleysan dib-u-habayn ku saabsan horumarinta horjoogsiga Al-Shabaab, iyo awoodda dhabta ah ee Soomaalidu u leedahay in ay qaataan mas'uuliyadaha amniga.
Bixitaanka degdeg ah ee AMISOM ayaa noqon karta masiibo; laakiin si ay u sii joogtaan, taageerada AMISOM iyo hay'adaha amniga ee Soomaaliya waxay u baahan tahay guul in ay u soo hoyaan ammaanka dadka.
Soomaalidu waxay qaadatay lahaanshaha shuruudaha ku salaysan xaaladaha; AMISOM waxay gacan ka geysan kartaa sidii loo wadi lahaa guusha.
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Kaalinta UNSOS waxay u baahan doontaa in ay noqoto mid horumar u ah guusha; dib-u-eegista UNSOS ee hadda ayaa iftiimin doonta.
Tijaabooyin dheeraad ah oo midnimada caalamku waxay la xiriirtaa nuglaanta Soomaaliya ee la-dagaallanka shuraakada, oo ay ku jirto Qaliijka.
Mucaaradka abuuray dib u soo noqoshada dhaqdhaqaaqa diblomaasiyadeed ee Geeska iyo isu soo dhawaanshaha u dhexeeya Itoobiya iyo Eritrea, waxaan rajeynayaa, in ii sii fido.
Dhaqdhaqaaqa faa'idada leh ee saamaynta leh waxaa ka mid noqon kara xaddiga ama xallinta khilaafaadka ka dhex jira Soomaalida, oo ay ka mid yihiin wadahadaladii u dhexeeyay Hargeysa iyo Muqdisho kuwaas oo u baahan in dib loo bilaabo, iyo helitaanka ixtiraam ku salaysan is afgarad oo Soomaaliya ay kaga faa'iideysan karto xiriirro taariikhi ah iyo taageerada dhammaan asxaabteeda.
Khatarta afaraadayaa ah in dadku mar kale ay la kulmaan masiibo bani'aadanimo. Nasiib daro, khatarta ah in tani dhacdo waa mid aad u sareysa, malaayiin ayaa iminka ku nool qaab aan karaama lahayn.
Dhibaatooyinka mustaqbalka waxay ka dhalan doonaan isku-dhafka xaaladaha cimilada, iska horimaadyada hubaysan ee ay soo qaadaan Al-Shabaab iyo cabsida aan la xallin karin, tartanka khayraadka dabiiciga ah iyo nidaamka diidmada ee kooxaha gaar ah.
Ujeedadu waa inay yareeyaan nuglaanta dadka iyagoo abuuraya shaqooyin, maalgelinta magaalooyinka, maareynta biyaha, helitaanka tamarta nadiifka ah iyo qiimo ku darsita awoodda dhaqaale ee aadka u saraysa ee dalka, kuwaasoo ah xoolaha, kalluumeysiga, beeraha ama cilmiga computerka.
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Madam President
The future of Somalia is in the hands of the Somalis.
This government recognises that, and I pay tribute to its determination to reassert Somalia’s sovereignty.
Political will alone, however, is not enough. Practical capacities are essential, as is success in fostering truly inclusive politics – far from easy in a political economy scarred by 30 years of violent conflict, with spoilers who benefit from insecurity.
Success depends upon political, business, traditional and other leaders working together for the common good, leveraging the country’s potential wealth to transform prospects for people – especially the young.
Cynicism about the likelihood of this ever happening, of Somalis being able to find a basis upon which to resolve their problems, has been punctured in the last few years. There is now a sense of the possible – not just of the impossible.
The more that political leaders show unity, the greater the opportunity, and the responsibility, of international partners to invest in all parts of the country and its leadership.
Let me conclude, Madame President, by thanking this Council for its continued support to Somalia, to the UN and to me and my team. It has been a privilege to work with international partners, and above all, with the leaders and people of Somalia.
Marwo Madaxweyne,
Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya wuxuu ku jiraa gacanta Soomaalida.
Xukuumaddani waxay aqoonsaneysaa in,uguna hambalyeynayaa oo aan ku kalsoonahay go'aanka ay ku doonayso inay dib u soo celiso madaxbanaanida Soomaaliya.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, doonistii siyaasadeed kali kuma filna. Awoodaha waxtarka leh waa muhiim, sida guulaha lagu kobcinayo siyaasadda dhabta ah ee loo dhan yahay - ka fogaanaysa dhaqaalaha siyaasadeed ee ka yimi 30 sano oo colaad rabshado ah, oo leh qaswadayaasha ka faa'iideysanaya nabadgelyo-xumo.
Guusha waxay ku xiran tahay siyaasadda, ganacsiga, dhaqanka iyo hoggaamiyeyaasha kale ee wada shaqeynaya wanaagga caadiga ah, ka faa'iidaysiga hantida qaranka ee waddanka si loogu bedelo mustaqbalka dadka - gaar ahaan dhallinyarada.
Cilmi-yaqaanka ku saabsan suurtagalnimada in arrintaani ay dhacdo, Soomaalida oo awood u leh inay helaan aasaas ay ku xallinayaan dhibaatooyinkooda, ayaa lagu soo celiyay dhowrkii sano ee la soo dhaafay.
Hadda waxaa jira dareen ah suuragalnimada - ma ahan oo keliya wax aan macquul aheyn.
Hogaamiyaasha siyaasadda ayaa muujinaya midnimo, fursadda weyn iyo masuuliyada, iskaashatada caalamiga ah si ay u maal gashadaan dhammaan qaybaha dalka iyo hoggaaminteeda.
Aniga waxaan soo gabagabeynayaa, Marwo Madaxweyne, anigoo u mahadcelinaya Golahaas taageerada joogtada ah ee ay u fidiso Soomaaliya, Qaramada Midoobay, aniga iyo kooxdayda.
Waxay aheyd mid mudnaan leh in aan la shaqqeyo hay'adaha caalamiga ah, iyo weliba dhammaan, hoggaamiyayaasha iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed.
SOLAPORTAL YOUTUBE RIIXHALKAN
Qore: Abdinasir Ismail "SOLA"
Investigative Journalist
La xiriir: solaportal@gmail.com
Waxaa TARJUMAY: Abdinasir Ismail "SOLA"
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